Occupational stress among senior police officers.

The rise of 'new managerialism' has been a feature of occupational culture in the public sector in recent years (McLaughlin & Murji, 1993). These researchers represent this trend as a strategy to promote a culture of efficiency, effectiveness and economy in the public sector. This is accompanied by replacement of traditional methods and models of management. What is also emerging is evidence of occupational stress amongst public sector staff expected to manage the changes (Cox, Boot & Cox, 1988; Hingley & Cooper, 1986).

The police service in Britain is presently the focus of much critical assessment in terms of efficiency (Sheehy, 1992), probity (Morton, 1993) and core functions (Posen, 1994). It might be expected that pressures and tensions associated with these critiques and proposed organizational change add to the burden of occupational stresses already documented to affect police officers (Davidson & Veno, 1980). The bulk of empirical research on police occupational stress has been directed at the uniformed constable (Cooper, Davidson & Robinson, 1982; Robinson 1991), with substantially less interest being addressed to more senior staff. Given the calls for structural and managerial reform within the police service (Audit Commission 1990, 1991; Police Review, 1993), as well as political and economic changes occurring throughout Europe (Kirkcaldy & Cooper, 1992a), it seems especially appropriate at this time to invest more research effort into those who are responsible for managing police services. The police service is still at the preparatory stages of change and the present study hopes to set some benchmark findings. These should facilitate time comparisons in the aftermath of reform as well as providing data to help ease the process of change itself.

Studies which have looked at senior officers, reviewed by Brown & Campbell (1994), have shown distinctive patterns in exposure to, and experience of, stress amongst supervisory staff. Specific police operational tasks decreasingly impinge on higher ranked officers, whilst organizational and management pressures increasingly adversely impact on senior staff.

Comparative studies describing the work stress and job satisfaction profiles of police and private sector managers, whilst finding few overall differences, do point to some distinctions. Kirkcaldy & Cooper (1992b) report that senior Berlin police officers felt less personal control over their work environment than German industrial managers. This had a greater negative impact on police managers, compared to the industrial managers, in terms of their level of satisfaction related to the tasks they performed, their feelings of security and their career prospects. Moreover, German police top management ranks (equivalent to Assistant Chief Constables and Chief Superintendents) yielded higher Type A behaviour patterns (achievement oriented, competitive and assertive) than upper-middle industrial managers (equivalent to Superintendents). The latter expressed greater control over intra-organizational pressures and the management process.

In Britain over the last several years, there has been increasing attention paid to the performance of the police. Managerial innovations create new work demands on senior police officers who previously have been selected largely for their technical operational skills. Bradley, Walker & Wilkie (1986) note the police's persistent resistance to change and, certainly in the recent past, a contemptuous attitude towards the concept of the police manager who is not considered to be a 'proper policemen' (sic). This can be illustrated by the work of Manning (1991) who documents senior police staff's attitude to IT, tantamount to wilful ignorance.

Against such a background, the present study seeks to clarify a number of issues. The first is to explore the work stress profiles of senior police managers within the organizational contexts that operate in the UK's three police jurisdictions. The Home Office, together with Local Authorities and Chief Officers, have responsibility for the governance of police in England and Wales. There are 43 Forces, including the Metropolitan Police, accounting for some 127 000 officers. In Scotland eight Forces totalling about 14500 officers operate and there are variations in the legal system and judicial arrangements compared to those governing England and Wales (Scottish Office, 1993). The Royal Ulster Constabulary polices Northern Ireland, and is made up of just over 3000 full-time officers and 1500 part-time reserves. They have special responsibilities for countering terrorist …